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                  <text>Dachas</text>
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                  <text>In simplest terms, a&amp;nbsp;dacha was a portion of land given out by the tsar. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The apportioning of land to servitors and favorites was hardly an innovation, but over the course of the eighteenth century the dacha became ever more closely associated with the expansion of the empire. Early in the century, Peter I imbued the dacha with a distinctly strategic character, distributing grants both as a form of incentive and a coercive strategy for affecting the physical transformation of his new capital at St. Petersburg. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Devoid of any associations with wellness, leisure, comfort, or domesticity – this came later in the nineteenth century – the earlier iteration of the dacha referred to a plot of uninhabited, unbuilt, uncultivated land located some distance away from the proprietor’s primary residence. A diligent proprietor might convert it into an &lt;i&gt;usad'ba&lt;/i&gt; (country estate), with formal or mature gardens and permanent dwellings, or into an agriculturally-productive site – a farm, an orchard, a cultivated woodland. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The essence of the dacha was that it implied a dynamic relationship between owner and property and the conversion of empty spaces into usable, definable places.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Related narration&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/exhibits/show/dachageo" target="_self"&gt;Dacha Geography&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Dacha property</name>
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              <text>5 desiatinas of garden plot and 8 desiatinas of meadow.</text>
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          <name>Ownership Note</name>
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              <text>State Councillor Peter Simon Pallas</text>
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          <name>Dacha Grant Year</name>
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              <text>1795</text>
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          <name>Attestation</name>
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              <text>1802 Dacha Reports</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Karalinovskii garden</text>
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        <name>gardens: private</name>
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        <name>settler property</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Abandoned Villages</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;At the moment, this collection presents the contents of a list of sites abandoned in 1778 by various elements of the Christian population of the Crimean Khanate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Between July and September 1778, a grand total of 31,098 people (half the Christian population of the khanate) deserted Crimea and moved to Russian territory on the shores of the Sea of Azov. Empress Catherine II and a handful of powerful men on the ground clearly engineered this relocation, which has been described as everything from an episode of deportation to one of voluntary migration.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Catherine II's government spent 130,000 rubles in the process, but the results were priceless. The loss of thousands of Greeks, Georgians, and Armenians dealt a heavy blow to the khanate's economy (they tended lucrative gardens and orchards, cultivated vineyards, and dominated maritime trade through the Black Sea and beyond). Sahin Girey Khan's position was weakened beyond repair (already perceived as a lackey of the empress, his inability to halt the migration made clear Russia's lack of concern for the khan's ability to rule). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An anxious Ottoman government deployed a fleet to Aktiar (the future site of Sevastopol) in August, only to be repulsed. Negotiations for a new peace settlement between St. Petersburg and the Porte got underway soon thereafter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The resulting Treaty of Ainali-Kavak secured the independent status of the khanate and required the removal of all Russian troops. This was no favor to the khan however. His position was tenuous at best; without the support of the empress's troops, he had precious little support. It wasn't long before the political situation in Crimea deteriorated, necessitating the return of Prince Potemkin and, by April 1783, the annexation of the khanate to Russia.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Abandoned place</name>
      <description/>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Karan'</text>
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                <text>331 Greeks abandoned this area in 1778.</text>
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        <name>Greek settlement</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>The Many Lives of Mirzas</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;This collection contains biographical sketches of the 39 members of the Crimean Tatar elite who were registered as members of the nobility of Tavrida Province and whose noble status was recognized by the imperial government in St. Petersburg.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Official recognition of noble status came via approval of the Heraldry Office and subsequent inscription in the noble register (rodoslovnaia kniga / родословная книга) of any given province of the empire. The&amp;nbsp;&lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/crimeaproject/items/show/312" target="_blank"&gt;Tavrida noble register&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp;was compiled on an annual basis starting in 1804 by the provincial noble assembly. Between 1804 and 1853 there were 660 entries, only 39 of which described Crimean Tatars. The 39 entries, all of which are presented here, dealt with a total of 51 Crimean Tatar nobles (brothers and cousins often petitioned together for inclusion in the noble register), along with their families. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Though they do little more than scratch the surface of Crimean Tatar (elite) life under Russian rule, they provide&amp;nbsp;&lt;strong&gt;compelling evidence of the ways in which kinship and service could be converted into enhanced social status&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;A few notes before you dig in:&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All names are transliterated from Russian, which was the language of the noble registers. This accounts for the odd spellings of Tatar and Turkic names.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Each entry is a highly structured text, its format standardized across all the provinces of the Russian Empire.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;That structure is reflected in the way the information within each entry is presented here. As you move through this collection, pay attention to clan names, variations in title (murza, bey, aga), family structure (particularly the importance of lateral kinship), and the dramatic variation in service records and landownership.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;In order to get a full sense of the connections among individuals, 1) use the "Item Relations" (at the end of each entry), which mark kinship relations and connections to key archival sources that might remain opaque when going the material Item-by-Item; and 2), surf the tags!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <name>Creator</name>
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                  <text>Kelly O'Neill</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
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                  <text>1804-1853</text>
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      <name>Member of the Crimean Tatar Elite</name>
      <description>limited to Crimean Tatars</description>
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          <name>Rank</name>
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              <text>none given</text>
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          <name>Year of Inscription</name>
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              <text>1851</text>
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          <name>Inscription Note</name>
          <description>Display Description</description>
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              <text>In 1847 the sons of Ali Aga were inscribed in the 6th part of the noble register. In the wake of the Senate opinion of January 13, 1847, in 1850 they were inscribed in part 1 instead (reserved for recipients of imperial seals, stamps, and coats-of-arms).</text>
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          <name>Family &amp; Background</name>
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              <text>Kemal [Karashaj] served the Crimean khan before 1783. Family members named in the petition include Kurt Aga, his sons Abduveli and Sefer; Badyn; Muradcha; Megmedcha, with his wife and son; and Bulatcha, son of Azamat, with his sons Er and Shaap. </text>
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              <text>Kurt Aga, son of Ali, served in elected office. His son Abduveli followed suit. </text>
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          <name>Residence &amp; Property</name>
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              <text>The family was able to document possession of inherited property.</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Karaşay (Karashaiskii) clan</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>Tavrida noble register entry</text>
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        <name>landowner</name>
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      <tag tagId="36">
        <name>lateral kinship</name>
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      <tag tagId="33">
        <name>vertical kinship</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Abandoned Villages</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;At the moment, this collection presents the contents of a list of sites abandoned in 1778 by various elements of the Christian population of the Crimean Khanate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Between July and September 1778, a grand total of 31,098 people (half the Christian population of the khanate) deserted Crimea and moved to Russian territory on the shores of the Sea of Azov. Empress Catherine II and a handful of powerful men on the ground clearly engineered this relocation, which has been described as everything from an episode of deportation to one of voluntary migration.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Catherine II's government spent 130,000 rubles in the process, but the results were priceless. The loss of thousands of Greeks, Georgians, and Armenians dealt a heavy blow to the khanate's economy (they tended lucrative gardens and orchards, cultivated vineyards, and dominated maritime trade through the Black Sea and beyond). Sahin Girey Khan's position was weakened beyond repair (already perceived as a lackey of the empress, his inability to halt the migration made clear Russia's lack of concern for the khan's ability to rule). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An anxious Ottoman government deployed a fleet to Aktiar (the future site of Sevastopol) in August, only to be repulsed. Negotiations for a new peace settlement between St. Petersburg and the Porte got underway soon thereafter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The resulting Treaty of Ainali-Kavak secured the independent status of the khanate and required the removal of all Russian troops. This was no favor to the khan however. His position was tenuous at best; without the support of the empress's troops, he had precious little support. It wasn't long before the political situation in Crimea deteriorated, necessitating the return of Prince Potemkin and, by April 1783, the annexation of the khanate to Russia.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Abandoned place</name>
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                <text>Karasubazar</text>
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                <text>1,004 Greeks, 8 Georgians, 7 Wallachians, and 2,809 Armenians abandoned this area in 1778.</text>
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        <name>Armenian settlement</name>
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        <name>Georgian settlement</name>
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        <name>Greek settlement</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>In simplest terms, a&amp;nbsp;dacha was a portion of land given out by the tsar. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The apportioning of land to servitors and favorites was hardly an innovation, but over the course of the eighteenth century the dacha became ever more closely associated with the expansion of the empire. Early in the century, Peter I imbued the dacha with a distinctly strategic character, distributing grants both as a form of incentive and a coercive strategy for affecting the physical transformation of his new capital at St. Petersburg. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Devoid of any associations with wellness, leisure, comfort, or domesticity – this came later in the nineteenth century – the earlier iteration of the dacha referred to a plot of uninhabited, unbuilt, uncultivated land located some distance away from the proprietor’s primary residence. A diligent proprietor might convert it into an &lt;i&gt;usad'ba&lt;/i&gt; (country estate), with formal or mature gardens and permanent dwellings, or into an agriculturally-productive site – a farm, an orchard, a cultivated woodland. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The essence of the dacha was that it implied a dynamic relationship between owner and property and the conversion of empty spaces into usable, definable places.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Related narration&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/exhibits/show/dachageo" target="_self"&gt;Dacha Geography&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Dacha property</name>
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          <name>Property Note</name>
          <description>Display Description</description>
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              <text>According to the 1794 report, this dacha consisted of 1000 desiatinas.</text>
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          <name>Ownership Note</name>
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              <text>State Councillor Sudenkov</text>
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              <text>1794 Dacha Reports</text>
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                <text>Karatubel'</text>
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                  <text>In simplest terms, a&amp;nbsp;dacha was a portion of land given out by the tsar. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The apportioning of land to servitors and favorites was hardly an innovation, but over the course of the eighteenth century the dacha became ever more closely associated with the expansion of the empire. Early in the century, Peter I imbued the dacha with a distinctly strategic character, distributing grants both as a form of incentive and a coercive strategy for affecting the physical transformation of his new capital at St. Petersburg. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Devoid of any associations with wellness, leisure, comfort, or domesticity – this came later in the nineteenth century – the earlier iteration of the dacha referred to a plot of uninhabited, unbuilt, uncultivated land located some distance away from the proprietor’s primary residence. A diligent proprietor might convert it into an &lt;i&gt;usad'ba&lt;/i&gt; (country estate), with formal or mature gardens and permanent dwellings, or into an agriculturally-productive site – a farm, an orchard, a cultivated woodland. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The essence of the dacha was that it implied a dynamic relationship between owner and property and the conversion of empty spaces into usable, definable places.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Related narration&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/exhibits/show/dachageo" target="_self"&gt;Dacha Geography&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Dacha property</name>
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              <text>This dacha consisted of 3,330 or 3,400 desiatinas (depending on which report you prefer) in or near the village of Chorgun. Either way, that is roughly 9,000 acres, 65% of which was considered suitable for cultivation.</text>
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          <name>Ownership Note</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Court Councillor Karl Gablts</text>
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          <name>Dacha Grant Year</name>
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              <text>1787</text>
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              <text>1794 Dacha Reports; 1802 Dacha Reports</text>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Karlovka</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Dachas</text>
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              <name>Identifier</name>
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                  <text>gazetteer</text>
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              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>In simplest terms, a&amp;nbsp;dacha was a portion of land given out by the tsar. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The apportioning of land to servitors and favorites was hardly an innovation, but over the course of the eighteenth century the dacha became ever more closely associated with the expansion of the empire. Early in the century, Peter I imbued the dacha with a distinctly strategic character, distributing grants both as a form of incentive and a coercive strategy for affecting the physical transformation of his new capital at St. Petersburg. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Devoid of any associations with wellness, leisure, comfort, or domesticity – this came later in the nineteenth century – the earlier iteration of the dacha referred to a plot of uninhabited, unbuilt, uncultivated land located some distance away from the proprietor’s primary residence. A diligent proprietor might convert it into an &lt;i&gt;usad'ba&lt;/i&gt; (country estate), with formal or mature gardens and permanent dwellings, or into an agriculturally-productive site – a farm, an orchard, a cultivated woodland. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The essence of the dacha was that it implied a dynamic relationship between owner and property and the conversion of empty spaces into usable, definable places.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Related narration&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/exhibits/show/dachageo" target="_self"&gt;Dacha Geography&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Dacha property</name>
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              <text>This dacha consisted of 1,916 cultivable desiatinas.</text>
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          <name>Ownership Note</name>
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              <text>Judicial Councillor Zatler; Major General Rebokov</text>
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          <name>Attestation</name>
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              <text>1794 Dacha Reports; 1802 Dacha Reports</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Kashka-Chokrak</text>
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  <item itemId="1052" public="1" featured="0">
    <collection collectionId="25">
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          <name>Dublin Core</name>
          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Portrait of Antiquity</text>
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              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Crimea was (and still is) uniquely studded with fallen slabs, old foundations, ancient walls, gravestones, and mounds of earth that have grown incrementally over the years to cover the bones of past lives. On my first visit to Sevastopol a friend explained that every good rain dislodged chards of pottery, the occasional coin, and other sundry treasures. And sure enough, when we went trekking in the mountains above Laspi later that week - keeping a sharp eye out for wild boar - I found three small bits of pottery, the edges worn smooth but the greens and blues of their surfaces still vivid. My friend chuckled and dismissed them as insignificant - the pieces dated to the fourteenth or maybe fifteenth century, after all - but I savored the extraordinary feeling of that small weight in my palm, sun-warm and heavy with historical memory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1837 the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg published a remarkable study&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;On the Antiquities of the Southern Coast of Crimea and the Tavridan Mountains&lt;/em&gt;. The book's author,&amp;nbsp;Peter Keppen, spent 5 years living in Crimea while serving as assistant to the chief of silk production (shelkovodstvo). During that time he traveled almost obsessively, collecting material for his geographical and archaeological projects.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the dedication (addressed, of course, to Tsar Nicholas I), Keppen describes Crimea as "the most charming of all the countries prospering" under Romanov rule. His book lovingly documents the location, history, and status of inscribed stones, marble columns, churches, and tombstones, but the bulk of material details defensive towers and walls. Keppen saw Crimea - in antiquity - as a territory divided between a savage, predatory north and a luxuriously beautiful south hemmed in by the Tauride (or Tavridan) mountains on one side and the Black Sea on the other. The fortified line that separated one from the other was, to him, one of the two organizing features of Crimean space (or of its antique space anyway).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The second feature was sedimentation. Keppen was acutely aware of the way in which the passage of time imprinted itself on the landscape. At one point he describes finding the remains of an ancient fortification with thick walls of "wild stone" on the heights of Ayudag. "And is it surprising?" Keppen asks. "One must remember that this place has not been inhabited since 1475. And since then the spring sun has warmed the mountain tops and new growth has sprung from the depths of the earth no fewer than 360 times. 360 times over autumn storms have torn the leaves from trees and ripped the grasses, each year creating a new layer to cover any traces of human existence!"(170)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Keppen would tell you that to see Crimea, one had to dig.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;This collection contains all of the sites (though not all of the individual stones!) discussed in &lt;em&gt;On the Antiquities of the Southern Coast&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;/strong&gt;It includes 4 mausoleums, 9 Greek churches, and 58 fortifications. Each and every one was a ruin even before Keppen laid eyes on it.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Related gallery: &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/collections/show/19" target="_self"&gt;Uvarov's Antiquities&lt;/a&gt;&lt;strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Related narrations&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/collections/show/37" target="_self"&gt;Among the Ruins&lt;/a&gt; &amp;amp; &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/collections/show/40" target="_self"&gt;A Monumental Inscription&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Related source map&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/item/898" target="_blank"&gt;Keppen's Antiquities&lt;/a&gt;&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Antiquity</name>
      <description>Building or item from the past. In most contexts, an antiquity belongs to the ancient, classical, or possibly medieval period. In Crimea and in the Russian south more broadly, archaeologists and collectors used the term to describe the material legacy of the ancient Greeks, Byzantines, Genoese, Karaims, Ottomans, and Crimean Tatars who inhabited the region prior to Russian conquest. </description>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Kaskule and Kalepartash</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
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                <text>Petr Keppen</text>
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                <text>Petr Keppen, &lt;em&gt;O drevnostiakh IUzhnago Berega Kryma i Gor Tavricheskikh&lt;/em&gt; (Sankt Peterburg, 1837)</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1837</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5460">
                <text>Keppen found no antiquities at Kaskule or Kalepartash despite the promise of their names ("kule" means tower and "kale" means fortification). He also notes that on November 25, 1834, he spent half a day slogging through miserable weather from Kutly to the cliff at Isarly Burun only to find there were no ruins there either. (137)</text>
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            <name>Contributor</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="5461">
                <text>The Stanford Library copy of Keppen's work was digitized by Google Books.</text>
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        <name>disappointment</name>
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        <name>fortification</name>
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        <name>ruin</name>
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        <name>weather</name>
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  <item itemId="801" public="1" featured="0">
    <collection collectionId="36">
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          <name>Dublin Core</name>
          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Estates</text>
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              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>From the 1830s onward Crimea was a favored venue for prominent displays of wealth by powerful members of the ruling elite generally associated with the gulf-side imperial capital far away to the north. Rather than recreate the architecture of St. Petersburg on the Black Sea, many of those well-connected and well-to-do landowners made a conscious effort to accentuate the foreignness – perhaps even the exotic nature – of Crimea in the architecture of their estates and palaces. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For some, the distinctiveness of the landscape was rooted in its Greek legacy. Russians and foreigners alike, inspired by the classical revival in architecture sweeping across Europe, pointed excitedly to the tangible residue of this legacy which suddenly placed Tavrida on the intellectual and cultural map of western civilization. Grecian elements therefore dominated many early nineteenth-century buildings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Other landowners – particularly the most wealthy and well-connected – played up the more exotic “Asiatic” legacy of Tavrida in their domestic landscapes. These nobles found it not just aesthetically pleasing but also empowering to incorporate elements of the local architectural tradition and natural landscape. In this they were no different than imperial elites elsewhere. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Russia, private residences were of particular importance to the articulation of the imperial presence in the borderland precisely because they were anything but private. Country houses and palaces were essentially public spaces, meant to attract the gaze of peers and peasants alike. The dignitaries, travelers and other visitors who penned detailed descriptions of Alupka, Gaspra, and Gurzuf inscribed these structures into the symbolic landscape of the province, but even on their own, the usad’by served as daily reminders of the reality of imperial authority to those who inhabited neighboring villages and worked in estate orchards and vineyards. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Of course, not all landowners were wealthy enough to build palaces or manor houses that could accommodate such lavish public spectacles. The majority of those who did command that level of wealth were not provincial nobles, but members of the ruling elite who owned estates but neither registered in the Tavrida noble register nor otherwise participated in daily life in the province. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The bulk of Tavrida’s registered nobles were not part of the ruling elite, nor were they distinguished for their wealth. In 1789 Governor Zhegulin pointed out to Potemkin that many of the (non-Tatar) officials in Tavrida were quite small-time Little Russian nobles or Polish szlachta who owned between five and thirty-five serfs. The low population density of the province together with the freedom of the native population from serfdom prevented landowners from accumulating wealth in the form of souls until well into the nineteenth century. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, most nobles (96% of non-Tatars and 88% of mirzas) in 1815 for example did own land from which they presumably drew sufficient income to maintain an honorable lifestyle. Of the 225 nobles registered between 1830 and 1853 for whom I have property data, 65% owned either arable or pasture land, and another 12% owned land in the form of orchards, gardens or vineyards. The remaining 23% owned houses and/or household servants and peasants, but did not mention landholding in their entries. Among ennobled mirzas, 96% owned land of some kind. Interestingly enough, they enjoyed average holdings three times larger than those of others, and a number of mirzas accumulated (or maintained) considerable annual incomes.&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="32">
      <name>Elite residence</name>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Kastropulo</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="4335">
                <text>Founded by Nikolai Demidov; inherited by his sons, Pavel and &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/items/show/802" target="_self"&gt;Anatolii&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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  <item itemId="970" public="1" featured="0">
    <collection collectionId="39">
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          <name>Dublin Core</name>
          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Abandoned Villages</text>
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              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="5013">
                  <text>&lt;p&gt;At the moment, this collection presents the contents of a list of sites abandoned in 1778 by various elements of the Christian population of the Crimean Khanate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Between July and September 1778, a grand total of 31,098 people (half the Christian population of the khanate) deserted Crimea and moved to Russian territory on the shores of the Sea of Azov. Empress Catherine II and a handful of powerful men on the ground clearly engineered this relocation, which has been described as everything from an episode of deportation to one of voluntary migration.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Catherine II's government spent 130,000 rubles in the process, but the results were priceless. The loss of thousands of Greeks, Georgians, and Armenians dealt a heavy blow to the khanate's economy (they tended lucrative gardens and orchards, cultivated vineyards, and dominated maritime trade through the Black Sea and beyond). Sahin Girey Khan's position was weakened beyond repair (already perceived as a lackey of the empress, his inability to halt the migration made clear Russia's lack of concern for the khan's ability to rule). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An anxious Ottoman government deployed a fleet to Aktiar (the future site of Sevastopol) in August, only to be repulsed. Negotiations for a new peace settlement between St. Petersburg and the Porte got underway soon thereafter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The resulting Treaty of Ainali-Kavak secured the independent status of the khanate and required the removal of all Russian troops. This was no favor to the khan however. His position was tenuous at best; without the support of the empress's troops, he had precious little support. It wasn't long before the political situation in Crimea deteriorated, necessitating the return of Prince Potemkin and, by April 1783, the annexation of the khanate to Russia.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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      <name>Abandoned place</name>
      <description/>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Katagor</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="5167">
                <text>97 Greeks abandoned this area in 1778.</text>
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      <tag tagId="212">
        <name>Greek settlement</name>
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  </item>
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