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                <text>Tavrida, district towns (1792)</text>
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                <text>District towns for Dneprovsk and Melitopol' are not marked. Aleshki is on the map, but is shown as a village.</text>
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                <text>Mainland districts: Dneprovsk and Melitopol'&#13;
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                  <text>In simplest terms, a&amp;nbsp;dacha was a portion of land given out by the tsar. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The apportioning of land to servitors and favorites was hardly an innovation, but over the course of the eighteenth century the dacha became ever more closely associated with the expansion of the empire. Early in the century, Peter I imbued the dacha with a distinctly strategic character, distributing grants both as a form of incentive and a coercive strategy for affecting the physical transformation of his new capital at St. Petersburg. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Devoid of any associations with wellness, leisure, comfort, or domesticity – this came later in the nineteenth century – the earlier iteration of the dacha referred to a plot of uninhabited, unbuilt, uncultivated land located some distance away from the proprietor’s primary residence. A diligent proprietor might convert it into an &lt;i&gt;usad'ba&lt;/i&gt; (country estate), with formal or mature gardens and permanent dwellings, or into an agriculturally-productive site – a farm, an orchard, a cultivated woodland. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The essence of the dacha was that it implied a dynamic relationship between owner and property and the conversion of empty spaces into usable, definable places.&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Related narration&lt;/strong&gt;: &lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/beautifulspaces/exhibits/show/dachageo" target="_self"&gt;Dacha Geography&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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              <text>A dacha composed of 1,048 desiatinas (2,831 acres), of which 100% was considered suitable for cultivation.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;At the moment, this collection presents the contents of a list of sites abandoned in 1778 by various elements of the Christian population of the Crimean Khanate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Between July and September 1778, a grand total of 31,098 people (half the Christian population of the khanate) deserted Crimea and moved to Russian territory on the shores of the Sea of Azov. Empress Catherine II and a handful of powerful men on the ground clearly engineered this relocation, which has been described as everything from an episode of deportation to one of voluntary migration.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Catherine II's government spent 130,000 rubles in the process, but the results were priceless. The loss of thousands of Greeks, Georgians, and Armenians dealt a heavy blow to the khanate's economy (they tended lucrative gardens and orchards, cultivated vineyards, and dominated maritime trade through the Black Sea and beyond). Sahin Girey Khan's position was weakened beyond repair (already perceived as a lackey of the empress, his inability to halt the migration made clear Russia's lack of concern for the khan's ability to rule). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An anxious Ottoman government deployed a fleet to Aktiar (the future site of Sevastopol) in August, only to be repulsed. Negotiations for a new peace settlement between St. Petersburg and the Porte got underway soon thereafter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The resulting Treaty of Ainali-Kavak secured the independent status of the khanate and required the removal of all Russian troops. This was no favor to the khan however. His position was tenuous at best; without the support of the empress's troops, he had precious little support. It wasn't long before the political situation in Crimea deteriorated, necessitating the return of Prince Potemkin and, by April 1783, the annexation of the khanate to Russia.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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                <text>190 Greeks abandoned this area in 1778.</text>
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                  <text>The Many Lives of Mirzas</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;This collection contains biographical sketches of the 39 members of the Crimean Tatar elite who were registered as members of the nobility of Tavrida Province and whose noble status was recognized by the imperial government in St. Petersburg.&amp;nbsp;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Official recognition of noble status came via approval of the Heraldry Office and subsequent inscription in the noble register (rodoslovnaia kniga / родословная книга) of any given province of the empire. The&amp;nbsp;&lt;a href="http://dighist.fas.harvard.edu/projects/crimeaproject/items/show/312" target="_blank"&gt;Tavrida noble register&lt;/a&gt;&amp;nbsp;was compiled on an annual basis starting in 1804 by the provincial noble assembly. Between 1804 and 1853 there were 660 entries, only 39 of which described Crimean Tatars. The 39 entries, all of which are presented here, dealt with a total of 51 Crimean Tatar nobles (brothers and cousins often petitioned together for inclusion in the noble register), along with their families. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Though they do little more than scratch the surface of Crimean Tatar (elite) life under Russian rule, they provide&amp;nbsp;&lt;strong&gt;compelling evidence of the ways in which kinship and service could be converted into enhanced social status&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;A few notes before you dig in:&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All names are transliterated from Russian, which was the language of the noble registers. This accounts for the odd spellings of Tatar and Turkic names.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Each entry is a highly structured text, its format standardized across all the provinces of the Russian Empire.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;That structure is reflected in the way the information within each entry is presented here. As you move through this collection, pay attention to clan names, variations in title (murza, bey, aga), family structure (particularly the importance of lateral kinship), and the dramatic variation in service records and landownership.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;In order to get a full sense of the connections among individuals, 1) use the "Item Relations" (at the end of each entry), which mark kinship relations and connections to key archival sources that might remain opaque when going the material Item-by-Item; and 2), surf the tags!&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                  <text>Kelly O'Neill</text>
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                  <text>1804-1853</text>
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                <text>Temir Bey Biiarslanov</text>
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                <text>Tavrida noble register entry</text>
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                  <text>Estates</text>
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                  <text>From the 1830s onward Crimea was a favored venue for prominent displays of wealth by powerful members of the ruling elite generally associated with the gulf-side imperial capital far away to the north. Rather than recreate the architecture of St. Petersburg on the Black Sea, many of those well-connected and well-to-do landowners made a conscious effort to accentuate the foreignness – perhaps even the exotic nature – of Crimea in the architecture of their estates and palaces. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For some, the distinctiveness of the landscape was rooted in its Greek legacy. Russians and foreigners alike, inspired by the classical revival in architecture sweeping across Europe, pointed excitedly to the tangible residue of this legacy which suddenly placed Tavrida on the intellectual and cultural map of western civilization. Grecian elements therefore dominated many early nineteenth-century buildings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Other landowners – particularly the most wealthy and well-connected – played up the more exotic “Asiatic” legacy of Tavrida in their domestic landscapes. These nobles found it not just aesthetically pleasing but also empowering to incorporate elements of the local architectural tradition and natural landscape. In this they were no different than imperial elites elsewhere. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Russia, private residences were of particular importance to the articulation of the imperial presence in the borderland precisely because they were anything but private. Country houses and palaces were essentially public spaces, meant to attract the gaze of peers and peasants alike. The dignitaries, travelers and other visitors who penned detailed descriptions of Alupka, Gaspra, and Gurzuf inscribed these structures into the symbolic landscape of the province, but even on their own, the usad’by served as daily reminders of the reality of imperial authority to those who inhabited neighboring villages and worked in estate orchards and vineyards. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Of course, not all landowners were wealthy enough to build palaces or manor houses that could accommodate such lavish public spectacles. The majority of those who did command that level of wealth were not provincial nobles, but members of the ruling elite who owned estates but neither registered in the Tavrida noble register nor otherwise participated in daily life in the province. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The bulk of Tavrida’s registered nobles were not part of the ruling elite, nor were they distinguished for their wealth. In 1789 Governor Zhegulin pointed out to Potemkin that many of the (non-Tatar) officials in Tavrida were quite small-time Little Russian nobles or Polish szlachta who owned between five and thirty-five serfs. The low population density of the province together with the freedom of the native population from serfdom prevented landowners from accumulating wealth in the form of souls until well into the nineteenth century. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, most nobles (96% of non-Tatars and 88% of mirzas) in 1815 for example did own land from which they presumably drew sufficient income to maintain an honorable lifestyle. Of the 225 nobles registered between 1830 and 1853 for whom I have property data, 65% owned either arable or pasture land, and another 12% owned land in the form of orchards, gardens or vineyards. The remaining 23% owned houses and/or household servants and peasants, but did not mention landholding in their entries. Among ennobled mirzas, 96% owned land of some kind. Interestingly enough, they enjoyed average holdings three times larger than those of others, and a number of mirzas accumulated (or maintained) considerable annual incomes.&lt;hr /&gt;</text>
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